Understanding Chojoongdong: The Influence of South Korea's Conservative Media
In the landscape of South Korean media, few terms carry as much political weight as Chojoongdong (조중동). This term serves as a pejorative acronym for the country's three most widely circulated conservative newspapers: The Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and The Dong-A Ilbo. Together, these publications are viewed by many as the foundational pillars of conservative media in South Korea.
The term was first introduced in October 2000 by Jung Yeonju, an editor for The Hankyoreh. Since then, it has become a central part of the national political discourse, often used to distinguish the conservative media bloc from its liberal counterpart, known as Hankyungoh (comprising Hankyoreh, Kyunghyang Shinmun, and OhmyNews).
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Key Facts
- Definition: An acronym for the three major conservative newspapers: Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Dong-A Ilbo.
- Market Dominance: As of 2010, these three papers accounted for nearly 58% of all printed newspaper subscribers in South Korea.
- Political Context: Critics often link the group to conservative governments and business interests.
- Liberal Counterpart: The term "Hankyungoh" refers to the liberal media group.
Market Presence and Influence
The sheer scale of Chojoongdong's reach is significant. By 2010, the three newspapers held substantial portions of the print market: The Chosun Ilbo held 24.3%, JoongAng Ilbo held 21.8%, and The Dong-A Ilbo held 18.3%. This dominance means that more than half of all printed newspaper readers in the country were consuming content from one of these three outlets.
The influence of these organizations extends beyond print. In December 2011, The Chosun Ilbo expanded its reach by launching its own cable news network, TV Chosun.
| Newspaper Name | Market Share (%) |
|---|---|
| The Chosun Ilbo | 24.3% |
| JoongAng Ilbo | 21.8% |
| The Dong-A Ilbo | 18.3% |
Major Criticisms and Controversies
Political and Historical Allegations
Critics argue that despite being private, competing organizations, the three newspapers act as a monolithic, quasi-governmental entity. Much of this criticism is rooted in history; opponents point to the newspapers' perceived collaboration with Japan during the Japanese occupation (1910–1945)—though it should be noted that JoongAng Ilbo did not exist during that period—and their cooperation with domestic authoritarian regimes prior to South Korea's democratic transition in 1987.
More recently, since 2008, critics have alleged a close relationship between Chojoongdong and the administration of Lee Myung-bak. This has led to accusations of censorship, specifically regarding news unfavorable to the government. For example, Jung Woon-hyun accused the papers of suppressing WikiLeaks articles that might have exposed negative aspects of the Lee Myung-bak administration.
Economic and Social Ties
The newspapers face accusations of being biased toward capital and big business. Some opponents believe the group has formed strategic alliances with the business world through "strategic marriages" between media families and business dynasties. Furthermore, during debates regarding the South Korea–United States Free Trade Agreement, critics claimed the newspapers worked to suppress negative rumors about the deal on social media platforms like Twitter.
Public Backlash and Activism
The Mad Cow Protests and Boycotts
Tensions peaked during the 2008 protests regarding US beef imports, which sparked fears of variant Creutzfeldt–Jakob disease (a rare brain disorder). During this time, the major newspapers were seen as favoring market opening and reporting negatively on the "Candlelight Revolution" protesters. This led to a significant boycott movement.
Internet activists organized campaigns to pressure advertisers, sharing lists of companies that placed ads in Chojoongdong publications. This movement resulted in legal consequences; in February 2009, a court sentenced some activists involved in organizing the boycott to fines or jail time (with some receiving suspended sentences).
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Anti-CJD Movements
The opposition to these media outlets has been intense. Organizations such as "Beautiful World Without Chojoongdong" have emerged, with some members believing that the complete abolition of these newspapers would bring positive societal change. During periods of unrest, protesters have occasionally targeted the physical buildings of the newspapers, leading to claims of harassment against media employees.
Chojoongdong in Popular Culture
The influence and perceived power of these media giants have even permeated South Korean entertainment. The popular comedy program Gag Concert featured a skit titled "War On Television," which lampooned the media establishments by portraying them as organized crime syndicates that strictly follow government regulations.
Frequently Asked Questions
What does the term "Chojoongdong" actually mean?
It is a pejorative acronym used to group the three largest conservative newspapers in South Korea: Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Dong-A Ilbo.
What is the liberal alternative to Chojoongdong?
The liberal media counterpart is referred to as "Hankyungoh," which stands for the newspapers Hankyoreh, Kyunghyang Shinmun, and OhmyNews.
Why are these newspapers criticized?
Criticisms include their historical ties to authoritarianism, alleged censorship of news unfavorable to conservative governments, perceived bias toward business interests, and their significant influence over public opinion.
Did all three newspapers exist during the Japanese occupation?
No. While critics cite historical collaboration during the occupation (1910–1945), the JoongAng Ilbo did not exist during that time period.
What was the "boycott movement" mentioned in news reports?
During the 2008 mad cow protests, activists launched a boycott against advertisers who placed ads in Chojoongdong newspapers to protest the papers' editorial stances.